论文快递: 第一百七十二期
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The following article is from 城市研究速递 Author Urban Studies
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本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百七十二期,将介绍Urban Studies Online First的三篇论文和Current Issue的两篇论文。主题包括住房去增长,城市去增长和住房共享,接触假说和内部迁移,工业不稳定化,以土地为基础的积累政治,欢迎阅读。
01
An empirical test of measures of housing degrowth: Learning from the limited experience of England and Wales, 1981–2011
住房去增长措施的实证检验:从英格兰和威尔士1981-2011的有限经验中学习
Abstract
This article builds on the concept of ‘degrowth’ to create an experimental, measurable definition of ‘housing degrowth’, which can be applied to the 99% of households in mainstream housing. Like ‘degrowth’, housing degrowth runs against housing policy which has assumed that more housing is good. The article explores whether measurement of housing degrowth is possible with existing data, and whether any housing degrowth has occurred in the existing pro-growth housing system in England and Wales. Building on Kallis et al., ‘housing degrowth’ is defined as a reduction of the total resources going into housing production and use, without an increase in inequality or a loss of wellbeing. First, using the total number of rooms as a proxy, over 1981–2011, England and Wales experienced significant increases in embodied CO2 (from housing construction, maintenance and disposal). Only a handful of areas experienced reductions, even in resources per person, and in these, inequality increased, and some had very little space per person for the worst-off, likely to harm wellbeing. Second, estimated data on direct CO2 production by homes in use 2008–18 showed a reduction, which was equitable between income and tenure groups. However, the poorest were hit hardest by rising energy costs, likely to have depressed wellbeing, again failing the degrowth definition. In conclusion, assessing broad trends in housing degrowth is possible, even with imperfect data. Future intentional degrowth appears possible, but will need more political justification, changes to incentives and regulation, and a focus on those worst-off.
Keywords
degrowth, energy efficiency, economic growth, housing development, housing space
关键词去增长, 能源效率, 经济增长, 住房开发, 住房空间
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221121198
02
Maintaining autonomy: Urban degrowth and the commoning of housing
维护自治:城市去增长和住房共享
Abstract
The theory – and practice – of establishing autonomy from the hegemony of growth is central to the imaginary of degrowth. Yet to envisage pathways towards a degrowth society, scholars need to explain how autonomy coalesces into autonomous institutions. This article addresses this institutional challenge of how to secure autonomy in the provision of collective, affordable and decommodified housing in cities. Building on the tradition of autonomist and (post-)workerist thought, it conceptualises this challenge as one of maintenance. It argues that autonomy occurs through its perpetual reproduction, which is made possible by nesting and federating practices among autonomous communities. Nesting and federating practices allow these communities to avoid becoming enclaves and co-optation by market logics. The article illustrates these arguments through reference to the struggles of de Nieuwe Meent, a recent housing commoning project in Amsterdam.
摘要
从增长霸权中建立自治的理论和实践是去增长的核心。然而,为了设想走向去增长社会的道路,学者们需要研究自治如何结合成自治机构。本文探讨了如何确保城市自主提供集体的、负担得起和非商品住房这一体制挑战。基于自主主义和(后)工作主义思想的传统,它将这一挑战概念化。它认为自治是通过其永久性的再生产实现的,而这是通过自治社区之间的嵌套和联合实践实现的。筑巢和联合实践使这些社区避免成为飞地和市场逻辑的共同选择。本文通过引用de Nieuwe Meent所开展的斗争来说明这些论点,这是阿姆斯特丹最近的一个公共住房项目。
autonomy, co-housing, collective institutions, housing commons, radical housing
关键词
自治, 共同住房, 集体机构, 激进住房
03
The effect of meeting opportunities on local urban residents’ prejudice against migrant children in China
见面机会对中国当地城镇居民对流动儿童偏见的影响
Abstract
This article explores the effect of meeting opportunities between local urban and nonlocal residents on locals’ prejudice against migrant children in China by focusing on three contexts: friendships, schools and neighbourhoods. China’s hukou policy creates a boundary between urban and rural residents, which also takes the form of locals and nonlocals in rural-to-urban migration. Urban public schools with a mix of local and migrant students offer a chance to observe the intergroup relationships between local and nonlocal students as well as their parents. Using two waves of data from the China Education Panel Survey (CEPS), this study examines how changes in migrant friend groups, schoolmates and neighbours of local children affect changes in their parents’ prejudice, as seen among a sample of 1630 student-parent pairs. With longitudinal data, this study mitigates the effect of reverse causality between intergroup contact and prejudice. The findings show that parents whose children have more migrant friends have less prejudice, under certain conditions. Additionally, more nonlocal students in a school relates to less prejudice, especially among parents who are more embedded in the school life. Furthermore, local families with low socio-economic status experience an increase in prejudice, potentially due to an increased feeling of threat. Additionally, this article finds that prejudiced attitudes spread through the social networks of children and parents at the school level. This study emphasises the importance of different contexts of meeting opportunities and sheds new light on the generalisability of the (extended) contact hypothesis to the understudied context of Chinese internal migration.
Keywords China, contact hypothesis, internal migration, prejudice, social learning
关键词 中国, 接触假说, 内部迁移, 偏见, 社会学习
原文地址
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221125065
04
Industrial destabilisation: The case of Rajajinagar, Bangalore
工业不稳定化:班加罗尔Rajajinagar的案例
AbstractThere has been a recent interest in expanding the focus of deindustrialisation studies to the cities of the Global South. Bangalore, with its long legacy of state sponsored industrialisation, as well as a substantial shift in its economy following economic liberalisation in 1991, presents itself as a suitable case to examine the impacts of industrial transformation. We study the decline of the engineering economy in one of Bangalore’s earliest planned industrial suburbs, Rajajinagar, to understand how industrial restructuring at the city and national scale has affected and reconfigured local economies. Using this case study, we make two main theoretical contributions: one, we bring out shifts at a neighbourhood scale that go beyond the existing literature on neoliberal transformations in Bangalore as well as other Indian cities. Two, the case also allows us to assess the limitations of deindustrialisation as a framework to analyse these changes, and we suggest a modified framework, that of ‘industrial destabilisation’.
关键词
去工业化, 工业重组, 非正规性, 规划, 城市历史
05
Statecraft on cement: The politics of land-based accumulation in Erdoğan’s Turkey
水泥上的治国之道:土耳其埃尔多安以土地为基础的积累政治
Abstract
This article contributes to the literature on the role of the state in land-based accumulation by presenting an explanatory framework on the case of contemporary Turkey, a case marked by an unprecedented construction boom that carries the distinct mark of the ruling AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, or Justice and Development Party). Land-based accumulation has constituted a defining aspect of the political economic setting of the AKP era. An investigation of the motivations behind this strategy reveals that it has been instrumental for the ruling party’s political agendas. Through land-based accumulation, the AKP has been able to cultivate a new generation of firms in the construction industry with connections to the party, consolidate its power among domestic capital and develop new mechanisms to finance party politics. Furthermore, symbolic and material manifestations of land-based accumulation have been abundantly used in the party’s propaganda machinery to provide ideological legitimation. Overall, the AKP’s authoritarian grip on power has been forged through the political-ideological resources provided by land-based accumulation. Contrary to the widespread narratives of weakening, passive or merely facilitating states, the case of Turkey brings to the fore an instance of boosting state agendas through land-based accumulation. My findings underline the need to combine capital-switch arguments with a Gramscian political conjunctural analysis for a fuller understanding of the role of the state in land-based accumulation, and point to the urban roots of neoliberal authoritarianism.
本文提出了一个对当代土耳其案例的解释框架,为有关国家在以土地为基础的积累中的作用的文献做出贡献,该案例以前所未有的建筑热潮为标志,带有执政党 AKP(Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi,或正义与发展党)的烙印。以土地为基础的积累构成了 AKP 时代政治经济环境的一个决定性方面。对这一战略背后动机的研究表明,它对执政党的政治议程起到了重要作用。通过以土地为基础的积累,AKP 得以在建筑行业培育出与该党有联系的新一代公司,巩固其在国内资本中的权力,并开发新的政党政治融资机制。此外,以土地为基础的积累的象征性和物质表现已被党的宣传机器大量使用,以提供意识形态合法性。总体而言,AKP 对权力的专制性控制是通过以土地为基础的积累提供的政治意识形态资源形成的。与削弱、被动或仅仅提供便利的国家的广泛叙述相反,土耳其的案例凸显了通过基于土地的积累促进国家议程的一个例子。我的研究结论强调需要将资本转换论观点与葛兰西政治结合分析相结合,以更全面地理解国家在以土地为基础的积累中发挥的作用,并指出新自由主义威权主义的城市根源。
Keywordsbuilt environment, class, housing, land-based accumulation, neoliberalism, politics, real estate
关键词建筑环境, 阶级, 住房, 以土地为基础的积累, 新自由主义, 政治, 房地产
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211044044
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